The late US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who passed away at the age of 84, was seen as among the most significant occupants of that position in the nation's history. Whereas numerous second-in-commands had to settle for marginal or ceremonial positions, Cheney held substantial power during the administration of George W Bush, to the point that he was frequently referred to as the "real president".
Bush objected to this portrayal and said the relationship was more nuanced. He noted that Cheney was deferential, invariably addressing him in official appearances as President, while he referred to him as Dick. Bush disputed even characterisations of their association as a collaboration because it indicated that they were on equal footing. Regardless of these objections, Cheney viewed the easygoing president accommodating on a broad range of administrative determinations.
A Aftermath of 9/11
Leading of a contingent of conservative hawks that featured Pentagon chief Donald Rumsfeld and Pentagon second-in-command Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the armed incursion of Iraq in 2003 in reaction to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. When of the 9/11 strike, Bush had been attending a session at a elementary school in Florida. While Bush made his way to a secret bunker in Nebraska, Cheney took charge, commanding the shooting down of any unresponsive planes approaching the government building.
Cheney said the strikes changed him, making him become intent on retaliation. In conjunction with other neo-conservatives, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he advocated for a occupation of Afghanistan in an effort to capture Osama bin Laden. Cheney then strongly advocated for the military action of Iraq, even though there was insufficient indication of Saddam Hussein playing a role.
Debated Policies
He expressed no regrets about the military campaign, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis died, or about the harsh treatment of suspects apprehended after 9/11. He informed CNN in 2015 that the Iraq military action, which was based on misleading reports circulated by Cheney, was the right path to take. "It was the right thing to do back then. I had faith then and I believe it today."
Yet even at the time, there were contrary opinions at a senior level about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the administration's own representatives to the region, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the position. "I witnessed, as a baseline," he subsequently stated "clear negligence, inaction, and unaccountability: in the worst case, falsehoods, incompetence, and graft."
Wider Perspective
Cheney was not solely to blame for the Iraq campaign. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had pushed for comparable steps. He had written a memo outlining circumstances in which US concerns might be compromised (featuring "availability of essential resources, mainly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had asserted that "the United States should be prepared to take unilateral action when joint efforts cannot be orchestrated," specifically citing armed actions against Iraq.
Bush too had arrived in the presidency generally inclined on carrying out what his father had specifically avoided to do in 1991; topple Saddam. Following he had been sacked by the administration, the treasury secretary Paul O'Neill revealed how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had stated his objective of reducing America's engagement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and proposed armed intervention against Iraq.
Bush held a private grievance against Saddam, convinced he had been responsible for a conspiracy to murder his father, President George HW Bush, on a trip to Kuwait in 1993. He also resented that one of the most prominent establishments in Baghdad had a floor mural with a image of his parent's countenance that all visitors had to walk over.
Interrogation Methods
Yet it was Cheney who was part of the most outspoken advocating invading Iraq, consistently citing information documents that were either thin or entirely misleading. He endorsed what the Bush government euphemistically referred to as "enhanced interrogation", the employment of simulated drowning and physical pressure.
Responding to a Senate analysis in 2014 that determined that no valuable data had been obtained through the harsh techniques, Cheney disregarded the conclusions as "riddled with crap". He stated to Fox News: "We requested [the CIA] to implement measures and create procedures to apprehend the individuals who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and guarantee it was not repeated. That's exactly what they did and they merit a lot of credit."
External Perception
Cheney reveled in nicknames assigned to him by opponents such as Darth Vader and The Prince of Darkness, and by the concept that he was a dark force directing Bush. In the journalist's 2013 book about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is cited as commenting: "Is it me who is the sinister strategist in the shadows that operates invisibly leave his domain? This represents a advantageous way to work, in fact."
Business Interests
Dispute over his corporate affiliations accompanied him throughout his time as second-in-command. Even though he had little experience in corporate affairs but strong connections in defence, especially in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's most substantial energy companies, in 1995 as leader and chief executive.
In 2000 he became Bush's election partner for the White House. Controversially, during the conflict in Iraq, Halliburton was given US contracts totaling multiple billions.
It made him rich. His annual income during his time at the corporation increased from his $258,394 when he was defence secretary to millions. When he resigned in 2000 he had a severance arrangement valued at more than $20m|twenty
